iPadOS 26 hands-on: The iPad upgrade pros wished for

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“iPadOS 26 introduces three multitasking options: Full Screen Apps, Windowed Apps, and Stage Manager. Windowed Apps, similar to macOS, allows for resizable windows and familiar window controls. iPadOS 26 also includes a new menu bar, a more macOS-like Files app, and the Preview app for viewing and editing PDFs and images.

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Ed Hardy6:10 am, June 11, 2025

New multitasking features are the highlight of iPadOS 26. 
Screenshot: Apple

Those who want their iPad to function more like a Mac got their wish: iPadOS 26 includes multitasking features very similar to the ones in macOS. This year’s iPad upgrade also borrows plenty of other things from Apple’s desktop OS.

I loaded the initial iPadOS 26 beta on my iPad Pro. Here’s what it’s like to use it … and why pro users should be excited while non-pro users shouldn’t worry.

Broadly speaking, the iPad must satisfy two separate audiences. One group uses the iPad as a light-duty computer for social media and watching videos. But the other group demands much more, using their iPad for traditional Mac/PC tasks.

3 options for dealing with apps and windows in iPadOS 26

iPadOS 26 should satisfy both, because it offers three different ways to display apps on the screen, ranging from basic to advanced. And it wraps it all up in the translucent Liquid Glass design that Apple is rolling out to all its operating systems.

Full Screen Apps

The first group needn’t be concerned that iPadOS 26 will force them to relearn to use their tablets. It includes a new option called Full Screen Apps that makes the iPad act much like the first one did way back in 2010. In this mode, there’s no side-by-side multitasking at all. It’s very simple to use, and ideal if all you want to do is watch video and maybe do some online shopping.

Windowed Apps

The next option for working with applications is called Windowed Apps. It’s new in iPadOS 26, and lets you open applications in resizable windows and place them exactly where you want. It’s very Mac-like.

The iPad used to put limits on where app windows could be placed. They couldn’t completely cover another window, for example, or stretch way off the side of the screen. In iPadOS 26, those limitations disappear.

Whenever you open an application, it joins any other apps already open on the screen. And speaking of Mac-like features, iPad now includes the same red, yellow and green window controls as macOS, allowing you to close, minimize, resize or tile windows in a familiar way.

I got curious how many app windows I could open at once. I stopped when I reached eight only because the screen became a crowded, unusable mess. You’ll run out of space before you reach any other limit. And with my iPad Pro, I can have a bunch more open on an external screen at the same time.

Note that Apple says Windowed Apps is available to all iPad users — even those with the budget iPad — not just those with a pricier model.

Stage Manager

Stage Manager is the third multitasking option for users in iPadOS 26. It’s been around for years but has become far less necessary than it used to be now that Windowed Apps is available. It also offers applications in floating, resizable windows, but lets these be grouped into “stages.”

It’s a convenient way to organize your open app windows. For example, I have all my social media apps in a stage so I can open them all at once. Personally, I’ll continue to use Stage Manager because I’ve gotten used to this capability.

Just so there’s no confusion, Stage Manager is no longer necessary to have multiple application windows on an external screen. Windowed Apps can handle the job, too.

Files, Preview and more features borrowed from macOS

Another feature that iPadOS 26 borrows from macOS is a new menu bar at the top of the screen. It’s always there, just hidden until you swipe down from the top of the display or move the cursor to the top of the screen.

The Files app, which is crucial for multitasking power users, also gets an upgrade in iPadOS 26. Early iPads didn’t even come with a Files app, but Apple finally added one in iOS 11, and then steadily improved it. The version in iPadOS 26 is quite close to the macOS one. You can expect resizable columns and collapsible folders.

The macOS Preview app just made the jump to iPad, too. I can view PDFs and images with it, and even make some edits.

iPadOS 26 multitasking features make the iPad more Mac-like

I approve of making the iPad act more like a Mac, but not because macOS is better. However, anyone who frequently switches back and forth between iPad and Mac has to mentally switch gears to handle the different user interfaces. iPadOS 26 makes the switch far easier.

Craig Federighi, Apple’s senior vice president of software engineering, talked about it in an interview with iJustine this week, saying, “Those elements where things feel familiar from a Mac perspective is just a little bit less of this kind of cognitive overhead of [asking], ‘Oh, how do I do it?’”

Quite good for a first beta

I’ve deliberately not talked about bugs and other problems with iPadOS 26 because I’m trying out the initial beta of an operating system that won’t be released for three months. Of course there are problems.

There’ll undoubtedly be changes between beta 1 and the final version, too. And not just bug fixes.

What’s important is the overall direction Apple is taking the iPad with iPadOS 26, with Mac-like multitasking and other big advances — and that’s a good one.“

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Apple iPhone 17 Air Tipped To Drop USB-C, Other Ports In Major Design Overhaul

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“This action paves the way for a new era of incredibly thin smartphones and is consistent with Apple’s vision for the iPhone which will no longer require physical ports.

NDTV Profit Tech

Apple is anticipated to release the iPhone 17 Air, along with other models in the iPhone 17 series, in September. The iPhone 17 Air is on track to become Apple’s thinnest smartphone to date, with considerable design changes.

In a bid to make the device slimmer, Apple may try a daring move that might change the smartphone industry. The USB-C and other conventional connectors are anticipated to be dropped from the iPhone 17 Air in favour of a fully wireless device.

This action paves the way for a new era of incredibly thin smartphones and is consistent with Apple’s vision for the iPhone which will no longer require physical ports.

iPhone 17 Air To Lead Port-less Devices Of The Future?

Tech experts claim that in a bid to make the iPhone 17 Air thinner, Apple will do away with features like a secondary speaker and SIM card port, as well as shrink the size of the battery. Most significantly, Apple’s goal of a wireless future is demonstrated by the phone’s expected lack of a USB-C port. 

Apple has improved its MagSafe technology to comply with the Qi2 wireless charging standard, which is utilised by other smartphone makers, in order to achieve this goal. If the iPhone provides a truly wireless charging experience on par with or better than that of conventional ports, Apple may be able to get around the USB-C mandate of the European Union. It could also herald a new “portless” design philosophy for Apple’s future devices. 

Can iPhone 17 Air Duplicate MacBook Air?

Apple has done this design change in the past as well. In the same vein, Apple gave weight and thinness precedence over conventional features in its MacBook Air series.

By pitching the iPhone 17 Air between base and top-tier models, Apple is looking to duplicate this success in the smartphone world, at the same time offering a wider range of devices and more choices to the customer.“

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Southwest Joins Other Airlines in Tightening Battery Rules: What to Know - The New York Times

Rules for Portable Batteries on Planes Are Changing. Here’s What to Know.

"You might have to repack or turn off batteries before boarding flights with certain carriers. Southwest is becoming the first major U.S. airlines to tighten restrictions.

May 27, 2025

A Southwest Airlines plane in Dallas. The airline will require passengers to keep portable chargers visible while using them.Desiree Rios for The New York Times

The rules around flying with portable batteries are becoming more confusing as some airlines and governments change their policies, citing the risk of fires.

Southwest Airlines is the first of the four biggest U.S. carriers to tighten its rules, citing incidents involving batteries on flights across airlines. Starting Wednesday, it will require passengers to keep portable chargers visible while using them.

Airlines in South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia and Hong Kong have also either changed their rules in a similar way or banned the use of portable chargers in-flight since a fire destroyed an Air Busan plane on the tarmac in South Korea in January. It was one of several recent aviation episodes that made travelers anxious.

There is no definitive link between portable batteries and the Air Busan fire, and an investigation is underway.

Because rules vary across airlines, you might find yourself having to repack or turn off batteries when boarding a plane. Here’s what you need to know.

Which airlines have changed their rules and why?

Southwest passengers will not be allowed to charge devices while they are stowed in overhead bins. The rule will help flight attendants act more quickly if a battery overheats or catches fire, Southwest said in a statement.

The Federal Aviation Agency requires only that devices containing lithium-ion batteries are kept in carry-on baggage, and the European Union’s aviation regulator has similar rules.

Rules vary among Europe’s biggest carriers. Ryanair, the low-cost Irish airline, tells passengers to remove lithium batteries before storing bags overhead. Britain’s EasyJet and Germany’s Lufthansa do not.

The South Korean government now requires that passengers keep portable chargers within arm’s reach and out of overhead bins, saying that the rule was implemented to ease anxiety about the risk of battery fires.

A fire destroyed an Air Busan plane in January.Yonhap/EPA, via Shutterstock

Major Taiwanese airlines implemented similar changes after the Air Busan episode. EVA Air and China Airlines announced a ban on using or charging power banks on their planes, although the batteries can still be stored in overhead compartments.

Thai Airways, Thailand’s flagship airline, said it would implement a similar ban on using and charging power banks, citing “incidents of in-flight fires on international airlines, suspected to be linked to power bank usage.” Singapore Airlines and its budget subsidiary, Scoot, also announced new rules.

Malaysia Airlines, the country’s flag carrier, has banned using and charging power banks, and storing them in overhead bins. Hong Kong’s aviation regulator has put a similar regulation into effect for all of the territory’s airlines, including Cathay Pacific.

Since 2016, the International Civil Aviation Organization, the United Nations agency that coordinates global aviation regulations, has banned lithium-ion batteries, the kind commonly found in power banks, from the cargo holds of passenger planes.

But there is no industry standard on how airlines regulate power banks, said Mitchell Fox, the director of the Asia Pacific Center for Aviation Safety.

They have become a part of everyday life only in recent years, and some consumers may be unaware of the risks, he said. 

What risks do these batteries pose?

Lithium-ion batteries have been used for decades to power smartphones and laptops, and are commonly used in portable power banks.

A lithium battery production line in China in 2019.Reuters

Each battery has a cell that can heat up quickly in a chain reaction that causes it to catch fire or explode. The F.A.A. warns that this reaction can happen if the battery is damaged, overcharged, overheated or exposed to water. Manufacturing defects are another potential cause.

Some products that use lithium-ion batteries, including smartphones, laptops and electric vehicles, have strict regulations and quality control standards, said Neeraj Sharma, a professor of chemistry at the University of New South Wales in Sydney, Australia, who studies batteries. Others, like power banks, e-cigarettes, e-bikes and scooters, are less regulated, he said, raising the risk of malfunction.

“Make sure you get your devices from reputable manufacturers,” Professor Sharma said.

How often do batteries catch fire on planes?

The frequency of incidents involving lithium-ion batteries on U.S. airlines has been increasing. There were 84 last year, up from 32 in 2016. These included cases — in the cabins of both passenger and cargo planes — where batteries caught fire, emitted smoke or overheated. Portable chargers were the biggest culprit, followed by e-cigarettes, according to the F.A.A.

Airlines around the world have for years required passengers to pack spare lithium-ion batteries in their carry-on luggage instead of in their checked bags so that any smoke or fire from the batteries can be noticed quickly. In the cargo hold, a fire might not be detected by a plane’s automatic fire-extinguishing system until it has become a critical problem.

What do flight crews do when there is a fire?

Fires in plane cabins that are caused by lithium-ion batteries are rarely deadly, and flight crews are generally well prepared to deal with them, said Keith Tonkin, the managing director of Aviation Projects, an aviation consulting company in Brisbane, Australia.

In many cases, passengers will notice their electronics overheating and inform crew members, who put the device in a thermal containment bag or water, with little disruption to the flight, according to the F.A.A. 

Yan Zhuang is a Times reporter in Seoul who covers breaking news.

Francesca Regalado is a reporter on the Express desk, based in Seoul."

Southwest Joins Other Airlines in Tightening Battery Rules: What to Know - The New York Times

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Tech’s Trump Whisperer, Tim Cook, Goes Quiet as His Influence Fades - The New York Times

Tech’s Trump Whisperer, Tim Cook, Goes Quiet as His Influence Fades

"Apple’s chief executive has gone from winning President Trump’s praise to drawing his ire, deepening the company’s woes in a very bad year.

May 26, 2025

President Trump’s threat of a 25 percent tariff on iPhones made anywhere except the United States came a little over a month after Apple’s chief executive, Tim Cook, won an exemption from a 145 percent tariff on Chinese goods.Kevin Lamarque/Reuters

In the run-up to President Trump’s recent trip to the Middle East, the White House encouraged chief executives and representatives of many U.S. companies to join him. Tim Cook, Apple’s chief executive, declined, said two people familiar with the decision.

The choice appeared to irritate Mr. Trump. As he hopscotched from Saudi Arabia to the United Arab Emirates, Mr. Trump took a number of shots at Mr. Cook.

During his speech in Riyadh, Mr. Trump paused to praise Jensen Huang, the chief executive of Nvidia, for traveling to the Middle East along with the White House delegation. Then he knocked Mr. Cook.

“I mean, Tim Cook isn’t here but you are,” Mr. Trump said to Mr. Huang at an event attended by chief executives like Larry Fink of the asset manager BlackRock, Sam Altman of OpenAI, Jane Fraser of Citigroup and Lisa Su of the semiconductor company AMD.

Later in Qatar, Mr. Trump said he “had a little problem with Tim Cook.” The president praised Apple’s investment in the United States, then said he had told Mr. Cook, “But now I hear you’re building all over India. I don’t want you building in India.”

On Friday morning, Mr. Trump caught much of his own administration and Apple’s leadership off guard with a social media post threatening tariffs of 25 percent on iPhones made anywhere except the United States. The post thrust Apple back into the administration’s cross hairs a little over a month after Mr. Cook had lobbied and won an exemption from a 145 percent tariff on iPhones assembled in China and sold in the United States.

The new tariff threat is a reversal of fortune for Mr. Cook. In eight years, he’s gone from one of Mr. Trump’s most beloved chief executives — whom the president mistakenly and humorously called Tim Apple in 2019 — to one of the White House’s biggest corporate targets. The breakdown has been enough to make insiders across Washington and Silicon Valley wonder: Has tech’s leading Trump whisperer lost his voice?

Nu Wexler, principal at Four Corners Public Affairs and a former Washington policy communications executive at Google and Facebook, said Mr. Cook’s “very public relationship” with Mr. Trump has backfired.

“It has put Apple at a disadvantage because every move, including a potential concession from Trump, is scrutinized,” Mr. Wexler said. Because Mr. Trump didn’t “have much incentive to either go easy on Apple or cut a deal on tariffs,” he said, “the incentive to crack down is much stronger.”

Apple did not provide comment. The White House declined to comment on the Middle East trip.

Mr. Trump’s new tariffs followed a report by The Financial Times that Apple’s supplier Foxconn would spend $1.5 billion on a plant in India for iPhones. The president said the tariffs would begin at the end of June and affect all smartphones made abroad, including Samsung’s devices.

Earlier in the week, Mr. Cook had visited Washington for a meeting with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. During an appearance on Fox News on Friday, Mr. Bessent said the administration considered overseas production of semiconductors and electronics components “one of our greatest vulnerabilities,” which Apple could help address.

“President Trump has been consistently clear about the need to reshore manufacturing that is critical to our national and economic security, including for semiconductors and semiconductor products,” said Kush Desai, a White House spokesman. He added that the administration “continues to have a productive relationship with Apple.”

The timing of the White House’s new tariff plan couldn’t be worse for Mr. Cook, who has led Apple for nearly 14 years.

Last month, the company suffered a stinging defeat in an App Store trial. The judge in the trial rebuked Apple executives, saying they had “outright lied under oath” and that “Cook chose poorly,” and ruled that Apple had to change how it operates the App Store. Jony Ive, Apple’s former chief designer who became estranged from Mr. Cookand left the company in 2019, joined OpenAI last week to build a potential iPhone competitor. Its Vision Pro mixed reality headset, released in January 2024 to fanfare, has been a disappointment. And in March, Apple postponed its promised release of a new Siri, raising fresh doubts about its ability to compete in the industry’s race to adopt artificial intelligence.

Still, Apple’s market value has increased by more than $2.5 trillion under his leadership, or about $500 million a day since 2011. And Apple remains a moneymaking machine, generating an annual profit of nearly $100 billion.

With Mr. Trump’s re-election, Mr. Cook appeared to be in a strong position to help Apple navigate the new administration. In 2019, Mr. Trump said Mr. Cook was a “great executive because he calls me and others don’t.”

Mr. Cook still occasionally pushed back on the president’s agenda. During an appearance at a conference for Fortune magazine in late 2017, Mr. Cook explained that the company would love to make things in the United States but that China had more engineers and better skills. He appeared before a live audience on MSNBC a few months later and criticized the president’s policy on immigration.

This year, their warm relations have run cold. Mr. Trump is more determined to quickly move manufacturing to the United States, which has made Apple a primary target.

On other administration priorities like dismantling diversity initiatives, Mr. Cook has tried to take a diplomatic position. At its annual general shareholder meeting in February, he said that Apple remained committed to its “North Star of dignity and respect for everyone” and would continue to “create a culture of belonging,” but that it might need to make changes to comply with a changing legal landscape.

The bigger problem has been trade. Apple has stopped short of committing to making the iPhone, iPad or Mac laptops in the United States. Instead, the company has moved to assemble more iPhones in India.

Apple has tried to head off Mr. Trump’s criticisms of its overseas manufacturing by promising to spend $500 billion in the United States over the next four years. Mr. Cook also has emphasized that the company will source 19 billion chips from the United States this year, and will start making A.I. servers in Houston.

Servers haven’t satisfied Mr. Trump. He wants iPhones made in the United States badly enough to create what amounts to an iPhone tariff. It would increase the cost of shipping an iPhone from India or China to the United States by 25 percent. The costs aren’t so staggering that they would damage Apple’s business, but Mr. Trump could always ratchet up the levies until he gets his wish.

“If they’re going to sell it in America, I want it to be built in the United States,” Mr. Trump said on Friday. “They’re able to do that.”

Mr. Cook hasn’t responded publicly.

Tripp Mickle reports on Apple and Silicon Valley for The Times and is based in San Francisco. His focus on Apple includes product launches, manufacturing issues and political challenges. He also writes about trends across the tech industry, including layoffs, generative A.I. and robot taxis."

Tech’s Trump Whisperer, Tim Cook, Goes Quiet as His Influence Fades - The New York Times

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Apple Used China to Make a Profit. What China Got in Return Is Scarier.

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“In “Apple in China,” Patrick McGee argues that by training an army of manufacturers in a “ruthless authoritarian state,” the company has created an existential vulnerability for the entire world.

Published May 15, 2025Updated May 21, 2025

Outside an Apple Store in Beijing last month. In 2015, Apple was the largest corporate investor in China, to the tune of about $55 billion a year, according to internal documents McGee obtained for this book.Wang Zhao/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

When you purchase an independently reviewed book through our site, we earn an affiliate commission.

APPLE IN CHINA: The Capture of the World’s Greatest Company, by Patrick McGee

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A little more than a decade ago, foreign journalists living in Beijing, including myself, met for a long chat with a top Chinese diplomat. Those were different days, when high-ranking Chinese officials were still meeting with members of the Western press corps. The diplomat whom we met was charming, funny, fluent in English. She also had the latest iPhone in front of her on the table.

I noticed the Apple gadget because at the time, Chinese state news media were unleashing invectives on the Cupertino, Calif.-based company for supposedly cheating Chinese consumers. (It wasn’t true.) There were rumors circulating that Chinese government officials were being told not to flaunt American status symbols. The diplomat’s accouterment proved that wrong.

At the time, one could make the argument that China’s economic modernization was being accompanied by a parallel, if somewhat more laggardly, political reform. But the advent in 2012 of Xi Jinping, the Chinese leader who has consolidated power and re-established the primacy of the Chinese Communist Party, has shattered those hopes. And, as Patrick McGee makes devastatingly clear in his smart and comprehensive “Apple in China,” the American company’s decision under Tim Cook, the current C.E.O., to manufacture about 90 percent of its products in China has created an existential vulnerability not just for Apple, but for the United States — nurturing the conditions for Chinese technology to outpace American innovation.

McGee, who was the lead Apple reporter for The Financial Times and previously covered Asian markets from Hong Kong, takes what we instinctively know — “how Apple used China as a base from which to become the world’s most valuable company, and in doing so, bound its future inextricably to a ruthless authoritarian state” — and comes up with a startling conclusion, backed by meticulous reporting: “that China wouldn’t be China today without Apple.”

Apple says that it has trained more than 28 million workers in China since 2008, which McGee notes is larger than the entire labor force of California. The company’s annual investment in China — not even counting the value of hardware, “which would more than double the figure,” McGee writes — exceeds the total amount the Biden administration dedicated for a “once-in-a-generation” initiative to boost American computer chip production.

“This rapid consolidation reflects a transfer of technology and know-how so consequential,” McGee writes, “as to constitute a geopolitical event, like the fall of the Berlin Wall.”

McGee has a journalist’s knack for developing scenes with a few curated details, and he organizes his narrative chronologically, starting with Apple’s origins as a renegade upstart under Steve Jobs in the 1970s and ’80s. After Jobs’s firing and rehiring comes a corporate mind shift in which a vertically integrated firm falls for the allure of contract manufacturing, sending its engineers abroad to train low-paid workers in how to churn out ever more complicated electronics.

We only really get to Apple in China about 90 pages into the book, and that China, in the mid- to late 1990s, was mainly attractive because of what one China scholar called “low wages, low welfare and low human rights.” McGee relates how one Apple engineer, visiting suppliers in the southern Chinese manufacturing center of Shenzhen, was horrified that there were no elevators in the “slapdash” facility, and that the stairs were built with troubling irregularity: with, say, 12 steps (of varying heights) between the first and second floors, then 18 to the next, then 16, then 24.

But China at the turn of the millennium was in the process of joining the World Trade Organization, and its leaders were banking on an export-led economy that would learn from foreign investors. Starting in the 2000s the Taiwanese mega-supplier Foxconn constructed entire settlements for Chinese workers building Apple electronics. First up on the new assembly lines were iMacs that were produced by what became known as “China speed.”

Less than 15 years after Chinese workers began making Apple products en masse, Chinese consumers were buying them en masse, too. Covering China at the time, I chafed at the popular narrative that reduced Apple’s presence in China to a tale of downtrodden workers at Foxconn and other suppliers. Yes, there were nets outside factory dorms to prevent suicides; and wages remained low. Even Apple admitted to alarming labor abuses in its Chinese supply chain.

But that was only half the story. The iPhone in China signified success, an individualistic, American-accented flavor that seemed to delight both veteran diplomats and Foxconn workers I got to know in southwest China. Those of us who had lived in China for years could see that life was getting freer and richer for most Chinese. By the mid-2010s, it was the United States that seemed behind in terms of integrating apps into daily life. In China, at least in the big cities, we were already living in the tech future.

Yet there were episodes of unease. After Xi came to power, state media campaigns targeted Apple’s Western “arrogance.” Apple acquiesced to Beijing’s demands that it remove the New York Times app from its online store in China and keep Chinese user data in China rather than the United States, prompting worries about government intrusion. As Xi cracked down on labor rights activism, more independent audits of the Apple supply chain ceased.

In 2015, Apple was the largest corporate investor in China, to the tune of about $55 billion a year, according to internal documents McGee obtained for this book. (Cook himself told the Chinese media that the company had created nearly five million jobs there: “I’m not sure there are too many companies, domestic or foreign, who can say that.”) At the same time, Xi laid out “Made in China 2025,” his blueprint for achieving technological self-sufficiency in the next decade, dependent on Apple being what McGee calls “a mass enabler of ‘Indigenous innovation.’”

“As Apple taught the supply chain how to perfect multi-touch glass and make the thousand components within the iPhone,” he writes, “Apple’s suppliers took what they knew and offered it to homegrown companies led by Huawei, Xiaomi, Vivo and Oppo.” Today, some of these premium products come with specs that are increasingly ahead of American design, and have outsold Apple in many major markets.

Sometimes, McGee is too comprehensive. He draws interesting portraits of characters who disappear after a few paragraphs. We do not need to know the full name of the law firm that Apple hired in preparation for a possible bankruptcy in the mid-1990s or even the minutiae of pre-China personnel wrangles, especially when centuries of Chinese history are compressed to less than a page. There are a few Chinese misspellings and miscues — the surname Wang is not, in fact, pronounced quite as “Wong.” And it would have been nice to have gotten more perspectives of Chinese people.

But these are quibbles with an otherwise persuasive exposé of the trillion-dollar company’s uncomfortably close relationship with the global power. China may have enabled Apple to become one of the most profitable companies in the world, but the exploitation goes both ways: This is not just a story of China making Apple, but of Apple making China. Given Xi’s authoritarian hold on power, what began as a feat of manufacturing has troubling consequences for the entire world.

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APPLE IN CHINA: The Capture of the World’s Greatest Company | By Patrick McGee | Scribner | 437 pp. | $32

Hannah Beech is a Times reporter based in Bangkok who has been covering Asia for more than 25 years. She focuses on in-depth and investigative stories.“